Why Is Women’s Leadership Not in the Headlines?

Women are Heads of State and Government in only 21 countries, despite the strong case that their leadership makes for more inclusive decision-making and more representative governance, even during this pandemic. Credit: UN Women

By External Source
UNITED NATIONS, Sep 24 2020 – The question has never been whether women can lead as capably as men. Women have always led, and women will always lead, especially when the times are hard, and their communities are in need. The question that we need to ask is, why is women’s leadership invisible? Why is their potential and their power stifled?

In the midst of a global pandemic, we find women on the front lines everywhere, as heads of government, legislators, healthcare workers, community leaders, and more. Although women’s organizations and community groups shoulder much of the responsibility of preventing the spread of the virus and serving those in greatest need, they are perennially left out of decision-making processes.

Today, women are Heads of State and Government in only 21 countries, despite the strong case that their leadership makes for more inclusive decision-making and more representative governance, even during this pandemic. Men are still 75 per cent of parliamentarians and hold 73 per cent of managerial positions. Most negotiators in formal peace processes are also men.

This year, International Day of Democracy comes as a reminder that unlocking the full breadth of perspectives, experiences and leadership of women is vital for building back better from this pandemic.

How women lead for the wellbeing of all, in just five stories that you may have missed.


Her Excellency Vjosa Osmani is a Doctor of Legal Sciences, former professor and mother of two girls. Photo: Office of the Assembly President

Her Excellency Vjosa Osmani is a Doctor of Legal Sciences, former professor and mother of two girls. Photo: Office of the Assembly President


1. Demonstrating strong women’s leadership in the pandemic

From Germany to New Zealand and Denmark to Iceland, women leaders have shown clarity, empathy, and strong communication in their decisions and policies during the COVID-19 pandemic. Vjosa Osmanu, the first woman assembly president in Kosovo, is among the many women leaders praised for their leadership during the crisis.

A former professor and mother of two girls, Osmanu is an outspoken advocate for women’s representation in politics. “When women participate in high-ranking political and state level [positions], they contribute to more balanced, gender-sensitive, environmentally considerate and forward-looking policies,” she says.

During the pandemic, women in Kosovo have faced high levels of vulnerability. Like many countries, Kosovo has seen a rise in domestic violence cases since lockdown measures were introduced. “I am consistently raising my voice about the pandemic’s gender dimensions, sharing relevant facts and information, while closely monitoring all government actions,” says Osmani.

Working to protect vulnerable populations from threats related to the COVID-19 crisis, she has joined the UN Women Kosovo campaign against domestic violence and has worked closely with UNICEF on issues related to children’s health and families’ wellbeing.

“A limited number of women hold leadership positions globally and the same applies to Kosovo. Social productivity cannot be reached while people are marginalized, discriminated and face gender-based barriers,” she shares, adding that both men and women need to contribute to efforts that put more women in decision-making positions.


Women at Peace Village in Jetis, Central Java. Women’s groups' members have been taking central roles as community volunteers in stepping up to stop the spread of COVID-19. Photo courtesy of Wahid Foundation.

Women at Peace Village in Jetis, Central Java. Women’s groups’ members have been taking central roles as community volunteers in stepping up to stop the spread of COVID-19. Photo courtesy of Wahid Foundation.


2. Fighting food insecurity on the front lines

Democratic principles are at the heart of the GUYUB project, an initiative providing essential support to women in Indonesia during the COVID-19 crisis. Guyub in Indonesian means “getting along” or “in togetherness”. It’s a philosophy that connects communities even as physical distancing and lockdown measures have disrupted social lives.

Jointly implemented by UN Women, UNODC and UNDP, the project provided recently distributed food and hygiene packages to families in ten Peace Villages across Java. Upon arriving in the villages, the packages were distributed by a women-led task force, in partnership with the Indonesian NGO Wahid Foundation.

“Large-scale social restrictions that were imposed in our city created a challenge for us… to buy, prepare and distribute food packages and hygiene kits,” says Siti Yulaikha, Task Force Member from Sidomulyo, Batu City, East Java. However, the women leaders made use of a facility that had previously served as a food bank, and although movement was limited, they managed to distribute the packages to community members most in need.

“The residents are thankful for the food packages as many shops and markets are closed. They also used the hygiene kits, such as disinfectant and soap, not only at home, but at public spaces, such as the village security post,” says Yulaikha.

To protect the health of their villages, task force members took up other important virus prevention roles as well, disinfecting public spaces, producing and distributing masks, and spreading awareness about health protocols. They have also set up a centre for coronavirus data collection, contact tracing, and health checks.

Their agile adaptation to the challenging circumstances doesn’t stop there; when many women saw dips in earnings due to closed markets and lost business opportunities, they recalled learnings from prior entrepreneurship training and created a WhatsApp group to serve as an online marketplace.

“Food stall owners utilized WhatsApp to arrange takeaway food orders and home delivery. These efforts have helped them with vital, sustained income during the pandemic,” Yulaikha says.


Women peacebuilders are using their mobile phones to support COVID-19 response efforts in Libya. Photos: Courtesy of Libyan Women’s Network for Peacebuilding.


3. Leading virus prevention efforts across Libya

A step ahead of much of the working world, the 36 women involved in the Libyan Women’s Network for Peacebuilding were accustomed to connecting via phones and computers well before the pandemic hit. Separated by their country’s divisions, the women leaders who come from diverse social, generational, and geographic backgrounds, have been communicating over WhatsApp and Zoom since July 2019 to discuss peacebuilding strategies.

“We believe that we should be one Libya,” says a member of the Network, created with support from UN Women. The members are experienced activists; each is linked to her own regional network of activists that work to support their community. When the threat of the pandemic became known, the women quickly adapted their online activism to respond to the situation.

They shared vital information about the virus and how it spreads on national and local radios, provided cleaning and sanitizing products to low-income households, and disseminated gender-based violence hotline numbers. They partnered with other organizations to distribute masks and gloves in prisons and detention centres and called for the release of prisoners who are either on a short sentence or near to completing their sentence, particularly those who are elderly or ill.

Because the network of women spans the country, they have valuable insights into regional needs and have been instrumental in highlighting population-specific humanitarian issues.

Despite their vital role in managing conflicts and making peace in families and communities, Libyan women are rarely allowed to enter male-dominated decision-making and negotiation spaces. Fighting against multiple issues at once – coronavirus threats as well as marginalization of women in peace processes – these women leaders continue to push for a safer, healthier, more peaceful Libya.

“Libyan women are at the forefront of response to problems; from COVID 19 to the horrific consequences of a conflict that has divided their country and inflicted unimaginable suffering on their communities,” says Begoña Lasagabaster, UN Women Representative in Libya. “It is high time that they had their rightful place in peace talks and their say on the future of Libya.”


Waleska López Canú. Photo Courtesy Waleska López Canú


4. Breaking down barriers to health services and information for indigenous communities

Dr. Waleska López Canú, Medical Director of Wuqu’ Kawoq or Maya Health Alliance, is proud to be Maya Kaqchikel. Her indigenous identity informs much of the work she does with Maya Health Alliance which provides medical services in the most impoverished communities in Guatemala.

Since the onset of the pandemic, López has coordinated telemedicine treatment for severe and chronic malnutrition, sexual and reproductive health, and complex and chronic illnesses so that patients can continue receiving life-saving care despite lockdown measures. Maya Health Alliance has also distributed food aid to more than 900 families.

In addition to providing treatment and aid, the organization seeks to reduce barriers to healthcare so that it can be accessed by all. In the ongoing fight against COVID-19, López has witnessed how language can be a barrier to communicating about virus prevention in indigenous communities. To better serve these marginalized groups, Maya Health Alliance, together with associated institutions, has created a series of videos, audios, and radio programmes, tailored to rural and indigenous contexts, to be distributed in seven Mayan languages, as well as Spanish.

With López as Medical Director, Maya Health Alliance has taken on several other vital roles in COVID-19 response: the organization facilitates the sharing of prevention measures among health professionals through a WhatsApp group of more than 180 members from more than 100 community-based organizations. They also provide personal protective equipment to students in their last year of medical school who offer services in the rural areas, and online assessment and training to medical professionals.

“The crisis caused by the pandemic has made visual our harsh reality, which has historically been neglected,” says López. “Indigenous women, little by little, are becoming conscious of our true role in the family and in society. We have much to contribute, from our life experiences and the knowledge of who we are and [what] we want, as well as the knowledge of the real needs of the community itself.”


Martha Achok raises awareness on how to prevent the spread of COVID-19 in Uganda. Photo: UN Women /Aidah Nanyonjo


5. Preventing the spread of COVID-19 in refugee settlements in Uganda

In the Bidibidi settlement for refugees and displaced persons in the Yumbe District of Uganda, Joyce Maka waits at the water collection point. The mother of three is a refugee from Sudan, arriving in Uganda after her husband was killed by rebels, and she is one of 12 women peace mediators in Zone B of the settlement now leading the fight against COVID-19.

Maka waits at the water station because, despite lockdown measures, people (usually women and girls) still need to frequent this spot in order to collect their water, making it a strategic point to pass on life-saving information. Since the onset of the pandemic, disseminating information about the virus has been challenging as most are confined to their homes.

“We encourage them to stay at least two metres away from each other; we also encourage them to wash their hands before and after pumping water,” Maka explains. In their role as peace mediators, Maka and others typically mediate community disputes, including issues of domestic violence, early marriage, and land rights. However, when the pandemic hit, the mediators transitioned to leading COVID-19 prevention measures.

The women have learned the importance of hand washing, physical distancing, wearing masks, testing, and quarantining, and they share this information with the wider community, through songs that they’ve composed in local dialect.

Gaining the trust and cooperation of the community is key to preventing the spread of COVID-19, so it’s important that the health information come from trusted community members, like the mediators. Their leadership and commitment to the wellbeing of all has never been more crucial.


This article was originally published by UN Women

Making State-Owned Enterprises Work for Climate in China and Beyond

Across power, industry and transport, State-Owned Enterprises emit in the aggregate over 6.2 gigatons of carbon dioxide equivalent annually, which is more than any other country except China. Credit: Bigstock.

Across power, industry and transport, State-Owned Enterprises emit in the aggregate over 6.2 gigatons of carbon dioxide equivalent annually, which is more than any other country except China. Credit: Bigstock.

By Philippe Benoit and Alex Clark
WASHINGTON, Sep 24 2020 – President Xi Jinping announced on Tuesday China’s aim to become carbon neutral before 2060. Achieving this goal will require the support and engagement of China’s state-owned enterprises (SOEs), as they currently generate more than half of the country’s energy sector emissions. SOEs are major drivers of greenhouse gas emissions globally, particularly in emerging economies

Across power, industry and transport, these companies emit in the aggregate over 6.2 gigatons of carbon dioxide equivalent annually, which is more than any other country except China.

SOEs are also major providers of low-carbon alternatives (over half of the world’s zero-carbon utility-scale power generation capacity is state-owned).  SOEs’ major role in driving emissions means that there will be no climate success without them.

Government officials and climate stakeholders currently meeting in New York (virtually) at the United Nations and for Climate Week need to give greater attention to engaging these SOEs on climate.

In this article, we present several tools that governments can use to prompt their SOEs to take climate action. We also describe the independent capacity of these enterprises to lead on low-carbon action, as well as their ability to resist government pressure to advance the climate effort.

Finally, we discuss one of the most important hurdles to effective engagement by most SOEs: what has often been too modest climate ambition from their government shareholder.

An oft-overlooked feature of SOEs is that the same governments that signed the Paris Agreement hold direct ownership over these enterprises (particularly in large, emerging economies such as China, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Russia and Saudi Arabia).

Arguably, the most important determinant of how much an SOE engages in the low-carbon transition is the extent to which its government shareholder prioritizes climate goals. Even the most powerful SOEs respond to the preferences and directions of their country’s ultimate leadership

Ownership provides a government with several distinctive tools to “push” SOE climate action that are more direct than the legislative and regulatory instruments largely used to influence private sector behavior. A government can, as shareholder, issue directives to its SOE though the company’s board of directors.

It can also appoint and remove senior executives (both through the board and often even directly). Selecting appropriate executive leadership with the commitment and managerial capacity to implement low-carbon programs can be decisive in driving effective SOE action on climate.

Governments also provide direction to SOEs through more informal exchanges between public officials and the company’s CEO and board members.  Lastly, governments can work to incentivize low-carbon action by middle managers (frequently the critical decision-makers in larger SOEs) by directing the company to adopt climate-friendly personnel and evaluation policies.

Governments can also deploy financial and bureaucratic resources to “pull” SOEs towards low-carbon action. For example, they can direct public funding to low-carbon investments (and away from high-carbon ones). State-owned commercial and development banks are often mobilized to deliver this climate-targeted financing, typically on preferential terms designed to accelerate uptake.

Governments also catalyze low-carbon investments by providing critical complementary infrastructure, such as the construction (often by another state-owned company) of a transmission line to an SOE’s remote renewable generation site. In addition, government funding for research and development can reduce costs for low-carbon projects, making them more attractive to SOEs (as well as the private sector).  Governments have even created new specialized SOEs to deploy specific low-carbon technologies. 

Government policies which pressure markets broadly, referred to herein as “press” tools, will also influence SOEs.

These include carbon taxes and emissions trading systems (ETS), which continue to dominate the policy discourse on emissions reduction strategies.  Although the two instruments are considered among the most effective for reducing emissions,  their impact on SOEs is likely to be more muted than on private sector companies, in part because SOEs often face multiple mandates beyond financial returns and profits.

For example, power sector SOEs are often required by their government shareholders to prioritize reliable electricity supply at low cost, as well as support other economic, social and political goals, such as employment, access expansion or using specific state-owned suppliers.

These factors lessen the responsiveness of SOEs to market-based instruments that make low-carbon alternatives more attractive in financial terms. Because costs and profitability do remain important considerations for SOEs even in the face of non-financial mandates, market-based instruments can still be useful climate tools to influence their operational and investment choices (such as the national ETS being considered for China).

These instruments, however, are unlikely to result in the same degree of meaningful decarbonization by SOEs foreseen for the private sector unless they are accompanied by some of the other measures described in this article.

Of course, an SOE might also simply decide to pursue low-carbon goals to serve its own corporate objectives, even in the absence of explicit government pressure. SOEs are often major corporations with substantial assets, financial resources, commercial know-how and technical capacity, enabling them to develop and implement robust low-carbon programs.

Motivating an SOE to act on climate in furtherance of its own corporate interests can be a highly effective way to advance low-carbon company action. A powerful SOE, however, is also able to exercise economic and political clout to resist government initiatives, including low-carbon ones.

Undertaking a strategic planning exercise to identify the corporate-level benefits of low-carbon action can help motivate an SOE to pursue climate goals (just as these benefits are increasingly influencing private sector companies).

Arguably, the most important determinant of how much an SOE engages in the low-carbon transition is the extent to which its government shareholder prioritizes climate goals. Even the most powerful SOEs respond to the preferences and directions of their country’s ultimate leadership.

To date, unfortunately, governments have exhibited only a modest commitment to these goals, especially relative to the perceived short-term economic and political gains generated by incumbent high-carbon assets.

The result has been tepid policies, programs and overall government signals on climate that have failed to produce the low-carbon actions needed from SOEs (and the private sector) to meet the temperature goals of the Paris Agreement.

Although there is some room for optimism given recent governmental pronouncements targeting carbon neutrality, a deeper understanding and appreciation among national stakeholders of how the low-carbon transition will best serve economic growth, poverty alleviation and social improvement objectives is needed to strengthen domestic resolve on climate and the government’s interest in using SOEs to this end.

For deep global emissions reductions to be achievable, SOEs must play a leading role in China and other countries where these enterprises are major actors in energy production and consumption.

Government ownership presents an under-explored avenue to engage these companies in advancing the climate effort.  A combination of “push”, “pull” and “press” measures will be needed.  In addition, a self-motivated SOE will further help to advance climate action.

As we move on from Climate Week into the lead-up to COP26 next year, governments and the climate community need to focus on developing initiatives that promote SOE engagement in low-carbon action.


Philippe Benoit is Adjunct Senior Research Scholar for Columbia University’s Center on Global Energy Policy.  He was previously the Head of the Energy Environment Division at the International Energy Agency and Energy Sector Manager for Latin America at the World Bank.

Alex Clark is a Ph.D. Researcher at the Smith School of Enterprise and the Environment at the University of Oxford, and former director of the GeoAsset Project under the Oxford Sustainable Finance Programme.

The views expressed are the authors’.