The Gambia Must Not Repeal FGM Ban

Nimco Ali, CEO, The Five Foundation (center), meeting with Andrew Mitchell, (right) Minister for Development, UK, and Harriet King (left), UK High Commissioner to The Gambia. Credit: The Five Foundation

By Alimatu Dimonekene
LONDON, Mar 27 2024 – Earlier this month, a UNICEF report on the prevalence of female genital mutilation (FGM) showed that while some success is taking place, the pace of progress remains slow – lagging behind population growth, especially in places where FGM is most common.

The report revealed that over 230 million girls and women worldwide have undergone FGM – a 15 per cent increase, or 30 million more girls and women, compared to the data released eight years ago. The largest share of the global burden is found in African countries, with over 144 million cases, followed by over 80 million in Asia and over 6 million in the Middle East.

As the 68th Commission on the Status of Women (CSW68) concluded last week I became particularly anxious for the women and girls of The Gambia. As advocates from around the world arrived in New York to attend the annual event hosted by the United Nations, our excitement was quickly dissolved.

Just hours before, we had learned from our Gambian colleagues that religious leaders — predominantly men including politicians — were voting to repeal a law passed almost 10 years ago by former President Yayah Janneh, which banned the practice of FGM. In that time a law that has saved thousands of girls and women undergoing this devastating human rights abuse.

It came as a shock. However, as world leaders scrambled on what to do or say following the news it was African women including Jaha Dukureh from Safe Hands for Girls, Fatou Baldeh MBE from Women in Liberation and Leadership, Nimco Ali OBE from The Five Foundation, who showed leadership during one of our most challenging times.

Survivors and activists were relentless in our pursuits. In a few days, many of us took to the media, as well as anywhere we could gather within our communities to say no to repealing the law.

This is a crucial moment for the FGM campaign, which could have even further negative consequences for Gambian women and girls. This fight is not just a call to repeal the law on FGM but if this request succeeds, we are going to see a widespread roll back on other fundamental rights of women and girls.

Fatou Kinteh, the Minister of Gender and Children’s Affairs said in a statement at a meeting at CSW68 that: “Women cannot be empowered if their rights continue to be violated“. Yet, this same government is putting them at risk.

World leaders must confront so-called religious leaders too including Imam Fatty who issued this very carefully planned fatwa, even while FGM is still illegal. Leaders like Imam Fatty are very determined to roll back the progress made in the Gambia in the last 10 years. His pronouncement has already cost lives. Because immediately after his statements many families were already receiving threats to have their daughters cut.

I hope that people like UK Foreign Secretary Lord Cameron now stand up to support Gambian women. In 2014, it was under his leadership that the Girl Summit co-hosted with UNICEF themed “A future free from FGM and child and forced marriage” took place. This helped to catalyse the groundbreaking work that gave rise to the ban. During that Summit, as the guest speaker, I was very pleased to hear of action and funding commitments.

As an FGM survivor activist, a global advocate and speaker, and a mother, I am calling on him, as well as all government representatives around the world to immediately release direct funding to women like me – grassroots activists working on the frontlines – to help with this fight.

Leaders should also sanction those who support the call to repeal the ban on FGM, while also finally calling on nations like Sierra Leone to enact laws and implement sustained policies that go towards protecting and safeguarding girls and women from FGM once and for all.

Alimatu Dimonekene MBE, is a leading women and girls rights advocate in the UK: https://agdgetitdone.co.uk/aboutalimatu

IPS UN Bureau

 


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Global Governance: Time for Reform

Credit: Selcuk Acar/Anadolu via Getty Images

By Andrew Firmin
LONDON, Mar 27 2024 – At last the UN Security Council has passed a resolution calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza. While stopping short of demanding a permanent end to the violence, it goes further than the world’s peak peace and security body had so far managed since the start of the current brutal phase of conflict in October. But the time it’s taken to get to this point signals an ongoing failure of global institutions to uphold human rights.

Today’s conflicts around the world – not just in Gaza, but in Sudan, Ukraine and sadly many other places – are bringing immense cruelty and suffering, targeted at civilian populations and civil society. One in six people are currently exposed to conflict. International rules are supposed to make sure atrocities don’t happen, and if they do, the international community works to halt the bloodshed and bring those responsible to justice. But states are repeatedly flouting the rules.

The latest State of Civil Society Report, from global civil society alliance CIVICUS, highlights how international bodies are flailing as states make hypocritical decisions that undermine the rules-based international order. Belligerents are brazenly ignoring long-established tenets of international human rights and humanitarian law because they expect to get away with it. Civil society has global governance reform plans but isn’t getting a seat at the table.

Powerful states including Russia and the USA are demonstrating selective respect for the rules, shielding allies but castigating enemies. This is clear among the many states that rushed to Ukraine’s defence but have hesitated to criticise Israel. At the basest level, some states are displaying racism as they show concern for white people’s human rights but not for those of people of colour.

The Security Council has moved incredibly slowly, hampered by powerful states using their veto, its resolutions watered down through lengthy processes despite the urgency of the situation. States wanting to see an end to conflicts have taken to other arenas, including the UN General Assembly and Human Rights Council – but these lack the clout of the Security Council.

Human rights are supposed to be one of the UN’s three pillars, alongside peace and security and sustainable development. But they’re very much the poor relation. The human rights pillar gets only 4.3 per cent of the UN’s regular budget. Problems with funding were plain to see in January, when UN offices in Geneva shut down temporarily due to a liquidity crisis, unable to meet heating costs at the height of a human rights emergency. Around 50 UN member states were reported to have failed to pay their 2023 contributions fully or partly.

Some states are withdrawing from the UN’s human rights scrutiny, with Uganda and Venezuela insisting on the closure of human rights offices in their countries, Sudan’s military kicking out a UN mission tasked with restoring democracy and Ethiopia successfully lobbying for an end to a commission scrutinising the many human rights abuses committed during conflict.

At the same time, repressive states are retaliating against activists who take part in UN human rights processes. The most recent report on reprisals against people for cooperating with the UN documented that over the last year, 40 states punished people for using the UN to stand up for human rights. Shockingly, 14 of them were members of the Human Rights Council – almost 30 per cent of the body’s members. It’s a disgrace that points to a broader problem of a lack of respect for human rights by many states active in the UN.

It goes beyond a failure to uphold human rights in conflict settings. The short-term calculations of unaccountable leaders are neutralising international agreements forged to tackle major transnational challenges such as the climate crisis and sustainable development, where delivery is falling far short. At the Sustainable Development Goals summit held last September, civil society put forward innovative ideas to unlock the money needed to finance development and climate resilience, but these were ignored. Civil society is often denied access, forced at best to sit on the sidelines of the annual high-level opening of the UN General Assembly.

Today’s multiple crises are exposing the fundamental design flaws of international institutions, testing them beyond their limit. If trust in the UN collapses, people could embrace more authoritarian alternatives. To prevent this, states and the UN must take on board civil society’s many practical reform ideas. The UN must become more democratic and it must fully include civil society as an essential partner.

It can start by implementing some civil society reform proposals. The first of these, and an easy one to adopt, is to appoint a civil society envoy, someone who could encourage best practices on civil society participation across the UN, ensure a diverse range of civil society is involved and drive the UN’s engagement with civil society groups around the world. At a time when civil society is under attack in so many countries, this move would signal the UN takes civil society seriously and potentially unlock further progress.

Another step forward would be a world citizens’ initiative, enabling people to mobilise to collect signatures to put an issue on the UN’s agenda. This could ensure that matters proved to have a high level of global public support are given consideration, including at the Security Council. Many in civil society also support a UN parliamentary assembly to complement the General Assembly and give a voice to citizens as well as governments. This could serve as a valuable corrective to the state-centric nature of decision-making and act as a source of scrutiny and accountability over the decisions the UN makes – or fails to make.

Civil society will keep calling for a rules-based order where clear laws and policies are followed to tackle climate change, end poverty, address deep economic inequality, de-escalate conflicts and prevent gross human rights violations. The UN Summit of the Future in September 2024 should commit to advancing this vision. Civil society is doing its best to engage with the process, calling not for more platitudes but for genuine reforms that put people at the heart of decision-making.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

 


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IMF Urges Non-alignment in Second Cold War

By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
ACCRA, Ghana, Mar 27 2024 - The IMF no. 2 recommends non-alignment as the best option for developing countries in the second Cold War as geopolitics threatens already dismal prospects for the world economy and [...] Read more »